Iran's Divided Media Landscape Makes Getting Information During Wartime Even Harder

(MENAFN- The Conversation) From brutal crackdowns on nationwide protests in January, to Israel and the United States’ recent strikes, Iran has been in the international spotlight for weeks. Reporting on Iran is challenging, both from inside the country and from outside. During periods of unrest and political turmoil, it becomes even harder and more restrictive.

Iran’s media landscape is divided between outlets closely affiliated with the state and those considered reformist. State-aligned outlets include organisations such as Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), Tasnim, Fars News and Mehr News.

These conservative outlets often promote narratives that support Iran’s ruling clerical establishment. Their coverage frequently aligns with the views of hardline leaders such as the supreme leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed in the initial strikes on February 28. Other state-affiliated outlets, including Mizan, which is linked to Iran’s judiciary, similarly publish coverage that portrays the Islamic Republic as the victim of foreign aggression in the current conflict.

There is also a smaller group of reformist publications, such as Shargh Daily, Ham-Mihan and Donya-e-Eqtesad, which tend to offer more analytical and critical coverage of political and economic issues in the country.

But reformist papers operate under constant pressure. During the height of the protests in early January, Iranian authorities imposed a severe internet shutdown and communications blackout. Many domestic news outlets became inaccessible online. A small number of hardline outlets, such as Fars and Tasnim, continued to distribute information through Telegram channels.

For more than two weeks, much of the information emerging from Iran downplayed the scale of the government’s crackdown on protesters. Instead, official narratives emphasised alleged foreign interference, blaming the unrest on the US and Israel.

Reformist outlets that challenge this narrative often face retaliation. Journalists are frequently arrested and newspapers are suspended or closed. The authorities shut down Ham-Mihan in January 2026 after its editor-in-chief published an opinion piece reflecting on the current political unrest and the 1979 revolution that ended the monarchy.

These restrictions mean that state-aligned media outlets often dominate the narrative out of Iran, shaping how events inside the country are presented to the outside world.

Challenges for international media

International media organisations face a different but equally complex set of obstacles. Foreign journalists have a limited presence inside Iran, largely because of the risks involved.

Several reporters working for major outlets such as The Washington Post and The New York Times have been detained by Iranian authorities in the past, creating a climate of caution among international news organisations.

As a result, only a small number of outlets maintain reporters in the country. Organisations such as the Financial Times and Al Jazeera have limited representation on the ground, while many others operate regional bureaus in Turkey or the United Arab Emirates. Agencies such as Reuters, Bloomberg, CNN and CNBC often rely on these regional hubs, while others report on Iran from Europe or North America.

Even from outside, gathering reliable information remains difficult. Many sources inside Iran are afraid to speak with foreign media, as authorities routinely intimidate or arrest individuals who communicate with international journalists. Government officials are also reluctant to speak with foreign reporters.

Internet shutdowns during protests and wartime further complicate reporting. With communications frequently restricted, journalists must rely on information from human rights organisations, activist networks and official social media accounts.

Diaspora media organisations, which operate outside Iran but broadcast and publish in Persian, play a crucial role in filling some of the gaps in information. These outlets reach audiences both inside and outside the country. Examples include Iran International, BBC Persian, IranWire, Manoto and Voice of America. Though Voice of America was defunded and taken down by the Trump administration, its Persian-speaking news is still operating and providing news from the US to the public. However, it has been accused by some of its staffers of censoring coverage of Iran’s exiled crown prince, Reza Pahlavi, who has emerged as the leading opposition figure during the latest uprising.

Pahlavi frequently appears on other disapora outlets, which provide a platform for opposition voices that rarely appear in Iran’s domestic media unless to be discredited.

Because they maintain extensive networks of sources inside Iran, diaspora outlets are often among the first to receive videos, images and eyewitness accounts of protests or military activity. After verification, this material is frequently used by international media organisations such as The New York Times, CNN and BBC World.

They also report more on the nuances that may be less obvious to foreign journalists, such as how Iranians feel about the war or the death of the supreme leader. While international outlets focused on those mourning the death of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the reality is that many ordinary Iranians were celebrating.

** Read more: Mourning, celebration and a divided legacy: why the death of Ali Khamenei reverberates far beyond Iran**

Whether working for reformist newspapers inside Iran, international news organisations abroad or diaspora media outlets, journalists covering the country face extraordinary pressures. Many are subjected to hacking attempts, online harassment and, in some cases, physical threats. The work is emotionally demanding, particularly for Iranian journalists who are reporting on events impacting their own country, communities and families.

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